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Part III: The Benefits of Policy Reform


Australia's economic performance in the period since the emergence of the East Asian financial crisis has benefited from a robust policy framework, reflecting both improvements in macroeconomic policy settings in recent years, and structural reforms that have been implemented progressively over a longer period of time.

THE MACROECONOMIC POLICY FRAMEWORK

Australia's economic performance in recent decades has been constrained by the tendency for inflation and current account pressures to emerge following even relatively brief periods of strong economic growth, and at a point where unemployment was still high. Policy has periodically allowed, or even contributed to, the emergence of excess demand pressures. Subsequent policy tightening to control rising inflation and current account deficits (CADs) has then contributed to short-term economic downturns. Policy has too often been reactive and short-term in its focus, and unclear in its objectives.

The forward-looking medium-term frameworks now in place for fiscal and monetary policy mean that each arm of policy is anchored by a clear primary objective that it is best suited to achieving: fiscal policy to ensuring adequate public saving; and monetary policy to maintaining low inflation. This strategy has two key facets.

First, it is directed at keeping the economy growing at a strong but sustainable rate that avoids excess demand pressures spilling over into inflation and the current account. This is essential to sustain expansions for longer and avoid the 'boom-bust' syndrome that has plagued the Australian economy, and contributed to a ratcheting up of unemployment over the past quarter-century.

Fiscal and monetary policies are now more likely to operate in a complementary fashion to limit, and not exacerbate, demand fluctuations. For example, the medium-term framework for fiscal policy implies that a loosening can be used to support the economy in the event of a downturn, but that the budget will need to be returned to surplus in the expansion phase of the cycle. This should assist the operation of monetary policy, as it is less likely that fiscal policy will contribute to excess demand pressures during the cyclical upswing.

A steadily growing economy that gradually approaches its capacity constraints can also help to lower the threshold at which inflation pressures start to emerge. In a steadily growing economy, firms are better placed to avoid short-run supply constraints because they are able to anticipate developments and plan ahead to expand capacity through investment and the hiring and training of new staff. This may make a modest contribution to lowering structural unemployment, as those who are unemployed are given more opportunity to gain skills and work experience that assist their future employability.

Second, policy is directed at raising the economy's growth capacity over time; by reducing the rate of unemployment that can be sustained without increasing inflation, and by raising the growth rate that is sustainable once the economy reaches that point. Over the longer-term these are primarily the outcome of structural factors. Structural reform -- which encompasses a wide range of policy, including taxation and labour market reform, competition policy, tariff reduction, and financial sector and corporate law reform -- has been, and continues to be, the key to raising the economy's productive potential. This is discussed below.

That said, macroeconomic policy can also play a role. Higher public saving should reduce the average CAD over time and lead to a more soundly-based CAD. This should reduce the risk that a cyclical increase in the CAD may trigger financial market concerns that limit the scope for growth. A credible macroeconomic policy framework provides greater certainty as to how policy will be conducted over time. Monetary policy credibility, through its effects on inflationary expectations, may of itself help to lower the unemployment rate at which inflationary pressures start to emerge.

Higher public saving and lower inflation can also contribute to raising potential economic growth through positive effects on national saving and investment. Low and stable inflation provides more certainty for long-term investment planning. High inflation tends to mask relative price signals and distort saving and investment decisions.

MONETARY POLICY AND INFLATION

Australia began the 1990s lacking a clearly articulated monetary policy framework and, despite a decline in inflation, retained a reputation as an `inflation-prone' economy. Critics of Australia's monetary policy approach saw the lack of a specific target anchor for monetary policy decisions, and a perception of limited Reserve Bank independence in setting monetary policy, as impediments to achieving sustained low inflation.

The Reserve Bank first indicated an informal objective for inflation in 1993. In August of 1996, a clear and transparent Statement on the Conduct of Monetary Policy was agreed between the Treasurer and the Reserve Bank Governor. It formalised the target of 'keeping underlying inflation between 2 and 3 per cent, on average, over the cycle'.[3] Importantly, the Statement formalised a clearer recognition of the independence of the Reserve Bank in conducting monetary policy. The Statement was important in first setting policy, then explaining it, and finally enhancing the credibility and responsibility for executing it.

Both inflation and inflationary expectations have declined sharply over the 1990s (Chart 7). Underlying inflation has averaged around 2 per cent per annum in the second half of the 1990s, compared with over 8 per cent in the 1980s. This success has been supported by favourable circumstances that have restrained global producer prices in recent years and the heightened competitive pressures engendered by product and labour market reforms. But clearly, the process has been anchored by wage and price-setters accepting the authorities' commitment to the inflation target.

Chart 7: Australian Inflation and Inflationary Expectations

Source: ABS Cat. No. 6401.0 and Melbourne Institute of Applied Economic and Social Research, Survey of Consumer Inflationary Expectations.

Sustained low inflation allowed sharply lower nominal interest rates and has contributed to lower real interest rates in recent years. In periods of high and variable inflation, lenders tend to seek a premium to compensate them for uncertain future returns. As the credibility of Australia's fiscal and monetary policy frameworks has been established with financial markets, long-term interest rates have fallen, both absolutely and relative to other economies (Chart 8). For example, the interest rate differential between Australian and United States 10-year Treasury bonds has averaged around 70 basis points over the past three years, compared with an average of around 350 basis points over the 1980s.

Monetary policy credibility means that firms and individuals expect that the Reserve Bank will act to maintain low and stable inflation, and are likely to factor this into their decision-making. This change in behaviour should, of itself, reduce the extent of interest rate increases needed over the course of the economic cycle to head off inflationary pressures.

Low and stable inflationary expectations also reduce the likelihood that domestic inflation will respond in a sustained way to transitory pressures. Consequently, there is less need for monetary policy to respond to such developments. The onset of the East Asian financial crisis in 1997 contributed to a significant depreciation of the Australian dollar, particularly against the currencies of the major economies. In the past, falls in the currency have flowed through into higher consumer price inflation. This time, a better policy framework and a more competitive economy have helped minimise the flow-on of import price rises into domestic prices and wages, as discussed in Statement 2. The recent Australian experience, in which short-term interest rates were reduced, contrasts with that of New Zealand and Canada, which had raised interest rates in the face of declining exchange rates.

Chart 8: Yields on Australian and United States 10-year Treasury Bonds(a)

  1. Data are the average of daily yields in each month.
    Source: Datastream.

FISCAL POLICY AND PUBLIC SAVING

In the mid-1990s, fiscal policy was at a critical juncture. In 1995-96, the fifth year of recovery, the underlying Commonwealth budget deficit still stood at 2 per cent of GDP. This followed a long period in which fiscal policy had generally been conducted without a clearly articulated and demonstrated medium-term framework. Over the period from 1975-76 to 1995-96 inclusive, the Commonwealth's underlying budget deficit had averaged 1.4 per cent of GDP. Commonwealth general government net debt, which was non-existent in 1974-75, had increased to over 19 per cent of GDP in 1995-96.

The deterioration in the Commonwealth's fiscal position from the mid-1970s has been associated with a structural increase in Australia's CAD. The CAD averaged around 2½ per cent of GDP over the 1960s and 1970s, but has averaged almost 4¾ per cent of GDP over the 1980s and 1990s. Against this background, a perception that governments lacked commitment to sound fiscal policy principles undoubtedly contributed to the interest rate differentials required to induce foreign lenders to hold Australian debt.

The Government moved quickly after its election in 1996 to develop fiscal credibility by adopting a medium-term objective of achieving underlying balance, on average, over the economic cycle. Credibility was also enhanced through a legislated Charter of Budget Honesty. The budget was returned to underlying surplus in 1997-98 and is projected to remain in surplus over the forward estimates period.[4]

As the Commonwealth general government sector is not projected to be drawing on private saving over the forward estimates period to fund its own activities, it is no longer directly contributing to the national saving-investment imbalance reflected in the CAD. This compares to an average Commonwealth saving-investment imbalance of around 1½ per cent of GDP over the previous two decades. The general government sector will contribute to raising national saving and lowering the structural CAD over time, other factors equal.[5]

As discussed in Statement 1, sustained improvement in public saving can be expected to improve national saving over time. This improvement may also encourage greater private investment, through lower interest rates and confidence effects, but this is unlikely to offset on an ongoing basis the effect on the CAD of higher national saving. Notwithstanding this, increases in the CAD may occur during periods in which public saving is improving, as a result of other factors. For instance, in the late 1980s a cyclical boom boosted both investment (and, thereby, the CAD) and the budget surplus. In the absence of higher public saving, the CAD would otherwise have been even larger.

An improvement in public saving is helping to limit the recent rise in the CAD in response to the downturn in many of our East Asian export markets, and has been crucial to retaining the confidence of the financial markets. Importantly, the increase in the CAD on this occasion reflects private saving and investment decisions, rather than government borrowing.

Sound macroeconomic policy settings have allowed Australian interest rates to remain low, and this has contributed to subdued growth in the net income deficit. Australian financial corporations have taken advantage of the low world interest rate environment and the benefits of Australia's more open and efficient financial markets to access opportunities in global markets to lower financing costs. Continued low world interest rates and an increasingly open financial sector are expected to continue to support this over the medium term.

In addition, compared to earlier periods, there has been a change in the make-up of Australia's external assets and liabilities. Australian external liabilities denominated in foreign currencies are now more than offset by external assets denominated in foreign currencies. Thus the depreciation of the Australian dollar since the onset of the economic downturn in East Asia has had a broadly neutral impact on the net income deficit. This compares to previous periods when Australia's external liabilities denominated in foreign currencies clearly exceeded assets and thus net payments in Australian dollar terms escalated when the Australian dollar depreciated.

STRUCTURAL REFORM, PRODUCTIVITY AND ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY

Structural reform is concerned with improving economic efficiency by making the economy more competitive and more dynamic and by removing distortions that misallocate resources.[6] Effective competition in markets for goods and services provides greater impetus for firms to seek productivity improvements and ensures that more of these gains are distributed in the form of lower prices rather than higher profits. Competition also provides a spur to innovation. By increasing the supply potential of the economy, structural reform allows the economy to grow further before inflationary pressures arise. Ultimately, this allows stronger sustainable growth in incomes and employment.

Structural reform (including labour market reform) is likely to have contributed to the economy's recent resilience in a number of ways.

Productivity is difficult to measure and is affected by a range of factors not directly attributable to structural reforms. For instance, advances in information and other technologies may be contributing to an upturn in productivity growth globally. However, the extent of structural reforms that have been instituted over the past decade or so, and the productivity gains that have occurred in sectors that have been a specific focus of reform -- particularly sectors that were formerly dominated by publicly-owned monopolies -- suggest that such reforms have been a significant factor.

Earlier reforms substantially reduced barriers to external trade, and more recent reforms are increasing competitive disciplines in the non-tradables sector. An important element of structural reform in recent years has been the National Competition Policy, which was agreed to by all Australian Governments in April 1995. This includes a nationally applied competition law and requirements to ensure that government businesses and privatised public monopolies do not enjoy an unfair advantage over competitors. Governments are also required to review anti-competitive legislation, which must be reformed unless there are net benefits that can only be achieved by restricting competition.

Chart 9: Multifactor Productivity Growth in the Market Sector(a)

  1. Multifactor productivity growth accounts for output increases beyond those explained by increases in capital and labour inputs. The estimates of multifactor productivity assume constant returns to scale; and are subject to errors in the measurement of labour inputs, the capital stock and their respective output elasticities.
  2. Dotted lines are average multifactor productivity growth rates for business cycle periods, measured from the year following each cyclical trough year to the next trough year (to 1997-98 for the current expansion).
    Source: ABS Cat. No. 5204.0.

A key objective has been to increase competition in sectors where it has been limited by regulatory barriers, particularly in the communications, energy and transportation sectors. A fully open market for telecommunications was introduced in 1997, a National Electricity Market allowing electricity to be freely traded between the eastern mainland States has recently commenced, and regimes are being developed to allow private operators access to natural gas pipelines and rail infrastructure.

The full benefits from more recent reforms, including labour market reforms, are yet to be seen, and this is likely to provide a continued boost to productivity growth over the next few years. The potential for further productivity gains in sectors like telecommunications and electricity is likely to be significant. Moreover, the dynamic effects of reform, in terms of providing a continuing impetus to innovation and productivity improvement, should have an ongoing positive effect on productivity growth.

LABOUR MARKET REFORM

Reforms to workplace relations arrangements and labour market regulation and assistance have sought to increase the responsiveness of the labour market to changes in the economy, and reduce impediments to job creation, participation in employment and improving productivity.

Significant reforms to workplace relations have been implemented, including encouragement for direct enterprise bargaining, freedom of association and tighter limits on industrial action. The introduction of the Workplace Relations Act 1996 has accelerated the move from centralised wage fixing to enterprise bargaining -- ensuring that wages and workplace practices are consistent with the circumstances faced by individual firms -- while providing a genuine safety net for low paid workers.

Policies have been implemented to assist and encourage job search by unemployed people, including the new Job Network, changes to activity tests, and tighter eligibility conditions for a range of benefits. Other initiatives are directed at improving workforce skills and abilities in order to improve the employment prospects of unemployed people and to enhance long-run productivity growth.

Labour market reform has contributed to the upturn in productivity growth discussed above. Importantly, the recent period of strong economic growth has not been associated with the emergence of unsustainable wage pressures that have contributed to increasing inflation in past periods when the economy has grown strongly at an advanced stage of the expansion. This is likely to be attributable in no small part to workplace relations reforms.

FINANCIAL MARKET AND CORPORATE LAW REFORMS

The crisis in East Asia emphasises the importance of sound corporate governance and prudential supervision, and these issues are at the forefront of international efforts to reduce the risk of similar crises occurring in the future. The soundness of Australia's arrangements is a key ingredient in its ability to maintain a high level of business and investor confidence.

The stability, integrity and efficiency of the financial sector are critical to the performance of the economy and its ability to adapt to changing circumstances. Deregulation in the 1980s substantially increased competition and innovation in the financial sector, resulting in improved access to capital markets, a greater range of financial products and better allocation of savings to investment. It also highlighted weaknesses in the operations of markets and the need for comprehensive prudential regulation. The major package of reforms implemented following the Wallis Inquiry build on these foundations by reducing artificial barriers to competition between different types of financial service provider.

The recent reforms also establish a more flexible regulatory system, with a functional rather than institutional focus, that is better able to respond to a rapidly changing environment without stifling innovation and competition. This will meet the need for regulation to ensure stability and integrity, without endangering efficiency.

In addition, the Corporate Law Economic Reform Program is modernising and giving an economic focus to regulatory requirements regarding fundraising, takeovers, corporate governance, financial reporting and conduct and disclosure practices in financial markets. Again, the focus is on providing the regulation necessary for well-functioning markets, without compromising efficiency.


[3] Following changes to the measurement of the Consumer Price Index (CPI), notably to remove the effect of mortgage interest rate changes, the Bank has recently changed to targeting CPI inflation.

[4] Surplus was achieved in 1997-98 in terms of the former cash underlying balance measure that was targeted by Government policy at that time.

[5] A detailed discussion of structural improvements in the CAD is contained in 1998-99 Budget Paper No. 1, Statement 3.

[6] A detailed discussion of structural reform and its benefits is contained in 1997-98 Budget Paper No. 1, Statement 3.

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